Sunday, June 28, 2026
‘It’s dangerous and it’s going to erode trust’: redesign of US government websites stokes surveillance fears
‘It’s dangerous and it’s going to erode trust’: redesign of US government websites stokes surveillance fears
“The National Design Studio (NDS), a White House office led by Joe Gebbia and staffed by former Doge employees, has been quietly redesigning sensitive federal websites. The NDS’s approach, including the use of commercial tracking software and bypassing normal federal oversight, raises concerns about privacy, transparency, and potential misuse of data. The studio’s operations, funding, and contracting arrangements remain largely opaque, further fueling these concerns.
The National Design Studio, staffed by Doge veterans, installed visitor-tracking software on vital federal websites
An opaque White House office staffed largely by veterans of Elon Musk’s “department of government efficiency” (Doge) has quietly rebuilt some of the federal government’s most sensitive websites – for passport applications, voter registration, prescription-drug pricing and children’s savings – in ways critics say appear to violate federal law.
The National Design Studio (NDS) was established by a Donald Trumpexecutive order last August, and is led by Trump-aligned Airbnb co-founder Joe Gebbia and staffed by Doge veterans.
A Guardian investigation has found the office has apparently been developing or redeveloping sensitive federal websites, including those connecting Americans with prescription drugs, children’s savings accounts, passports and voter registration. The investigation corroborates and advances earlier reporting by the Drey Dossier, a YouTube investigative outlet.
The NDS built and now operates four public federal websites: ndstudio.gov, trumprx.gov, realfood.gov and trumpaccounts.gov. All four ran commercial visitor-tracking software, configured to evade the privacy tools many web users install, and none carry the public filings federal privacy law requires under laws including the Privacy Act of 1974 and the E-Government Act of 2002.
Separately, none of the NDS’s spending or its arrangements with outside vendors appears in USAspending, the federal contracting database, raising questions about how it is funded and overseen.
Separately, the NDS has also built and runs White House-controlled versions of services the US Congress assigned to other federal agencies, including a passport-application portal that bypasses the state department’s existing site, and a copy of voter-registration site vote.gov.
Combined, the sites route sensitive interactions Americans have with their government through infrastructure the White House apparently controls, and outside the reporting and accountability systems that normally cover federal agencies.
Analysis of the underlying source code for four of the websites found that on at least two of them, the studio installed a commercial tool called PostHogthat closely tracks what every visitor does on the site. Another tool, apparently made in-house, sends user data to a destination that is not visible on the public internet.
The NDS apparently removed this tracking software after the Guardian reached out to the White House with a detailed series of questions on the NDS’s operations on 4 June. On 17 June, White House spokesperson Liz Huston responded: “All National Design Studio personnel comply with all legal requirements in their important work to improve how citizens interact with their government.”
The studio has also built versions of services legally assigned to other agencies, including a passports website, and a copy of Login.gov, the gateway more than 150 million Americans use to sign in to federal services, the latter reportedly being overseen by a former Doge engineer who moved to the studio.
The NDS has also apparently built a copy of vote.gov, the federal voter-registration site that by law belongs to an independent bipartisan commission inside a website site only accessible with a White House login.
A federal voter-registration system run from inside the White House, with identity and citizenship checks routed through systems the administration controls, could let an incumbent see who is registering, or check their registration, in the weeks before an election.
Public ownership records maintained by the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (Cisa) list the executive office of the president as the registrant of the studio’s sites, including passports.gov and the vote.gov copy, meaning that the office controls the domains. Questions remain about the sort of access that this could give the White House to voter registration data.
John Davisson, senior counsel at the Electronic Privacy Information Center (EPIC), said the studio’s approach risked creating a second version “a whole sort of second skunk-works version of the federal government with all these shady tracking technologies and outside of the parameters of normal federal privacy laws”.
A skunk works is a figurative term for an experimental department within a larger organization with freedom to operate outside normal procedure.
The Guardian sent a detailed list of questions about the NDS to the White House Press Office for the attention of Gebbia and the White House chief of staff, Susie Wiles, who has oversight of the studio. Separately, the Guardian sent a request to Gebbia’s presumed email at the NDS (no addresses are publicly listed). There was no response.
The National Design Studio
Donald Trump created the NDS by executive order on 21 August 2025, ostensibly to overhaul federal websites and digital services. The office sits within the executive office of the president as a “temporary organization”, a designation that places it outside the Senate confirmation process, outside the financial disclosure system applied to most federal appointees and outside the inspector general’s jurisdiction, which covers cabinet departments.
The studio is staffed under the same hiring authority that ran Doge. The studio’s spending, and any contracts it holds with outside vendors, do not appear in the federal contracting database USAspending or in any other public-facing record of US government spending.
Gebbia, who became a multibillionaire after co-founding Airbnb, leads the office as chief design officer of the United States. He stepped back from any daily role at Airbnb in 2022, and joined the Tesla board that September.
Gebbia had reportedly been a “longtime Democratic donor” but in a lengthy January 2025 X post said that he had voted for Trump, casting the about-turn as a response to “living in the eggshell ages of these last few years. A time of silence, shaming, and fear, where calling a duck a duck meant you hated ducks”. Since then he has leaned into his support for rightwing causes, and also made a $2m donation to a Super PAC supporting Andrew Cuomo in his unsuccessful face-off against then candidate for New York mayor Zohran Mamdani.
In April 2025, he stepped down as chair of the board at airbnb.org, the company’s affiliated non-profit, following backlash to his taking a role at Doge.
Gebbia spent about six months at Doge in the first half of 2025, leading an initiative to digitise federal retirement records held at Iron Mountain for the federal office of personnel management. The executive order that created the role said that the office would be supported by an administrator who reports directly to White House chief of staff, Susie Wiles.
At least two other figures with Doge backgrounds work alongside him. Greg Hogan moved to the studio and, according to Drey Dossier reporting, was put in charge of Login.gov.
Akash Bobba, one of Musk’s original six Doge engineers, also apparently moved to the studio. His NDS email address is listed in the Cisa federal .gov registry as the security contact for the United States African Development Foundation, an agency unrelated to the studio’s stated mandate.
While there is very little transparency about NDS staffing, several photos and one video on the NDS website appear to depict as an employee Edward “Big Balls” Coristine, an early Doge employee who allegedly exposed the social security data of hundreds of millions of Americans on the way to becoming a pop culture punchline.
The studio’s funding and contracting arrangements are similarly opaque. A search of USAspending returns no record of the National Design Studio either as a paying agency or as a recipient of funds.
There is no public record of how the studio pays its developers, PostHog or any of the other commercial services its sites use. The hiring authority the studio operates under keeps its staff roster off the financial-disclosure system that covers most federal appointees, and the executive office of the president, which houses it, has no inspector general.
PostHog
The use of commercial tools on the sites departs from federal web-team conventions. Davisson, the senior counsel at the EPIC, described the studio’s work as “trying to establish their own sort of fly-by-night version of what federal agencies normally do with added tracking technologies and less oversight”.
This is most apparent in the NDS’s employment of user tracking prior to outreach from the Guardian, such that when a member of the public visited one of the studio’s federal websites, a commercial tool called PostHog recorded what they did on the page.
PostHog’s session-recording feature, which can replay every click, scroll and keystroke of a visitor’s time on a webpage, is installed in the code of all four sites and enabled on two of them. On the remaining two, the recording is held inactive only by a single setting inside PostHog’s dashboard, which can be changed by whoever controls the website at any time.
The Guardian emailed PostHog for comment on its apparent provision of tracking tools to the NDS, but received no response.
Adblockers and similar privacy tools are used by millions of people to limit what third parties can learn about them as they browse. Most of them work by intercepting requests that a visitor’s browser makes to known tracking services – and blocking them before any data leaves the device.
Website source code shows that PostHog has been configured on NDS-run sites to route analytics requests through an address on the federal website itself, rather than through PostHog’s own servers. Because the request appears to go to the site the user is already visiting, rather than to a recognisable third-party address, adblockers don’t flag it.
As PostHog explains in its own documentation, this works “because ad blockers haven’t visited your domain to catalog your setup. They don’t know what to block.” In other words, the technique is specifically designed to evade privacy tools – by presenting commercial tracking as ordinary website activity.
Serge Egelman, research director of the Usable Security and Privacy Group at the International Computer Science Institute (ICSI), explained: “The issue there is that over the last several years, due to abuses relating to this type of data collection, there’s basically an arms race with tools being released to allow consumers to try and exert some control over what data gets collected.”
Egelman said that he had not looked specifically at the PostHog tool or its deployment on federal websites, but he did point to a lawsuit involving the addition of commercial tracking technology to a state government website.
“I testified on Meta where the [Meta] Pixel was put on the California DMV website. And Meta was able to obtain information about when people are requesting, say, disability placards, reinstating a suspended license, things like that – sensitive information that’s actually protected by federal law.”
He added: “It’s not like someone going to the DMV website expects a private company to receive their personal data and then be allowed to use that however they want.”
PostHog comes with a separate feature called session recording, which plays back every click, scroll and keystroke a visitor makes, like a video recording of their entire visit. Princeton University researchers who first documented the technology in 2017 wrote that watching such a recording was “as if someone is looking over your shoulder”.
On the Trump Accounts and TrumpRX websites, the feature has been built into the page code and is held inactive only by a single setting inside PostHog’s dashboard. The NDS can turn it on at any time, on either site, without making changes in the underlying website code.
Separately, until the Guardian sought comment on this reporting, the NDS’s own website, ndstudio.gov, ran a 539-line piece of bespoke code that recorded visitors’ clicks, form entries and navigation; assigned each visitor a session identifier; and forwarded the captured data to an address that does not appear anywhere on the public internet. The script’s source code refers to it as AutoMonitor.
A 2002 federal law, the E-Government Act, requires any federal agency that collects personal information through a website to first publish a written privacy impact assessment explaining what it collects and where the information goes. The Privacy Act of 1974 requires a separate, parallel public notice, a “system of records notice”, describing the records the agency keeps. A 2010 office of management and budget memorandum extended both requirements to federal agencies’ use of commercial web-tracking tools, including the kind that PostHog provides.
The Guardian could find no such filings for the studio’s web-tracking layer. None of the four sites carry a privacy impact assessment naming PostHog or describing the IP addresses and on-site activity the tool collects. None of the four are covered by a system of records notice that addresses what is collected or where it goes.
The one published privacy instrument that relates to any of the four programmes, a treasury notice for the Trump Accounts programme, describes how the children’s-investment programme is administered but does not name PostHog and does not describe the tracking on trumpaccounts.gov at all.
Davisson, the EPIC attorney, called the studio’s failure to publish such a notice “a pretty clearcut violation of section 208” of the E-Government Act, adding: “There’s just no suggestion that they’re trying to comply in good faith with any of their obligations when it comes to the collection of personal information.”
It’s not known what data was collected from users of the government websites while the tools were live, whether it was retained and who has custody of the data.
Vote.gov
Some of the NDS’s work is even more opaque, including an apparent redesign of the federal government’s voting registration hub.
A sign-in page run by the studio on a White House-controlled web address carries the title “Log in to vote.gov preview”. Above the password field is a notice: “For official use only. Actions will be recorded in accordance with applicable law.”
Vote.gov is a federal voter registration website. By law it belongs to the Election Assistance Commission (EAC), an independent, bipartisan body that Congress established in 2002 after the disputed 2000 election. Congress created the commission specifically so no sitting president would control the federal voter-registration system.
The studio’s version has been live on White House systems since 17 September 2025, according to public records of secure web addresses.
Late last year, the NDS began presenting its system to state election directors.
The first such briefing, on 17 October, was on a call of the National Association of State Election Directors (NASED). Call notes summarising the meeting record members representing states of both parties expressing“serious concerns with this project not complying with state law” and noting that “the developers do not seem to want to spend the time to understand election official concerns”.
Brianna Schletz, the Election Assistance Commission’s executive director, reportedly told state directors on the same call that the conversations were “informal”, and that commissioners would later vote on whether to stay involved. No record of any such vote has since appeared in the commission’s public proceedings.
Asked for comment by the Guardian, a NASED spokesperson, Amy Cohen, confirmed by email that “NASED held a call in October joined by representatives from the National Design Studio and members of the EAC leadership team”.
Cohen added: “NASED does not have a position on this project. NASED has had no further communication with the National Design Studio on this or any other project; both NASED as an organization and our members in their individual capacities engage with the EAC regularly about a variety of different topics and projects.”
Six days after the 17 October meeting, on 23 October, a National Design Studio engineer, Akash Bobba, reportedly briefed the system on a recorded conference call organised by the National Association of Secretaries of State. Under the studio’s design, voters would be required to verify their identity through Login.gov, the federal sign-in gateway, and to have their citizenship checked against a database run by the Department of Homeland Security.
Asked on the call what the federal government would retain of the personal information voters entered into the system, Bobba reportedly said that “clear data retention policies” would be given to states ahead of implementation, but conceded: “I don’t know what they retain and what they are logging.”
The Election Assistance Commission has been part of the discussions. Its chair, Donald Palmer, reportedly said the commission was “facilitating discussion with state election officials on modernizing an accessible tool to provide a verifiable digital registration option”.
The Guardian contacted the Election Assistance Commission for comment but received no response.
The EPIC’s Davisson said: “With vote.gov, that’s the province of the Election Assistance Commission. But if you’re centralizing that in the White House, the White House is going to have sort of access to that backbone of data.
He added: “Doing that outside of the appropriate channels, I think, is definitely going to – it’s dangerous and it’s going to erode trust.”
The Help America Vote Act of 2002 put voter-registration administration under an independent bipartisan commission, structurally outside the reach of any sitting president. The studio’s version appears to collapse this arm’s-length arrangement.
The Guardian has not seen what is on the other side of the sign-in, but published Cisa records show who runs the system it lives on, which is under White House control. The commission Congress put in charge of vote.gov has not decided to formally participate in the initiative. The build itself is on White House systems.
Passports and money
The studio has also built or taken control of websites that belong, by law or by convention, to other federal agencies. The sites handle some of the most sensitive personal information Americans give to the government.
Passports.gov is now run from inside the White House, not from the state department. The state department operates US passport services through its existing site at travel.state.gov. The studio’s version collects identity information from people applying for passports. It carries no privacy notice. Developer test code was left running on the live page.
In response to a request for comment, a state department spokesperson wrote: “The Department of State is working closely with the White House to deliver the best possible service for our passport customers while safeguarding US national security.”
They added: “US passport books and passport cards – and the programs and websites that support them – represent the gold standard in secure international travel documents, underpinned by state-of-the-art security and technology.”
They referred additional questions to the White House.
Trumpaccounts.gov is the federal website for the children’s investment programme created in last summer’s tax legislation. The treasury department, which administers the programme, is the registrant of record for the site. But the site itself runs through the same White House-controlled commercial account as the studio’s own sites: ndstudio.gov, the prescription-drug site trumprx.gov, the food-policy site realfood.gov and others. The treasury department did not respond to a request for comment.
Login.gov is the federal sign-in gateway that more than 150 million Americans use to access services from social security to tax filing. The studio’s preview of vote.gov, described in the previous section, uses Login.gov to verify the identities of visitors.
The Guardian contacted the General Services Administration (GSA), which operates Login.gov, for comment.
A spokesperson replied in an email: “Login.gov is committed to the highest standards of privacy, transparency, and security. Our Privacy Impact Assessment was most recently reviewed in March 2026. All personnel supporting Login.gov, including detailees, are required to comply with applicable GSA policies, security requirements, privacy controls, and governance processes.”
The NDS, meanwhile, seems to be expanding its footprint across more government websites.
In late May, three new addresses tied to the NDS appeared in the public records: chat.staging.ndstudio.gov, onboarding.ndstudio.gov and upload.ndstudio.gov.“
Friday, June 26, 2026
Thursday, June 25, 2026
Wednesday, June 24, 2026
A.I. Riches Fuel Economic Divide in Asia’s Chip Powerhouses - The New York Times
A.I. Riches Fuel Economic Divide in Asia’s Chip Powerhouses
"A.I. demand is driving stock market gains and booming exports in South Korea and Taiwan. But the rest of the economy is being left behind.
In South Korea and Taiwan, the world’s hunger for artificial intelligence has unleashed a boom unlike anything seen in years. The two economies are home to the small cluster of companies that produce the coveted chips A.I. cannot run without.
As exports climb to record highs and stock markets soar, the rush to cash in has reached a fever pitch. Seniors are opening brokerage accounts to funnel their savings into semiconductor stocks. On social media, young people question the point of their jobs, saying they could earn as much — or more — trading stocks.
Yet the windfall is masking a far bleaker picture across much of the rest of the economy. Industries outside chip making are struggling to navigate a turbulent landscape upended by energy and tariff shocks. Household debt and real estate prices continue to rise. Both currencies remain weak despite repeated government interventions to prop them up.
For both places, the skyrocketing growth springs from a narrow, highly specialized sector that employs only a sliver of the population. Everybody else is left scrambling to find a way in.
As investors pour money into chip stocks, chasing a share of the A.I. bonanza, they are amplifying the market’s wild swings. Korean stocks plunged 10 percent on Tuesday, setting off a global tech sell-off, before rising over 3 percent a day later.
Economists describe the phenomenon as a “K-shaped” divide, in which some industries and socioeconomic groups thrive while others stall or fall behind. Around the world, including in the United States, that divide has widened since the Covid-19 pandemic. Now, the A.I. boom threatens to make it even more expansive.
The enormous A.I. demand, Taiwan’s central bank cautioned in a statement this month, risks creating an economy in which “different groups or industries experience drastically different economic outcomes.”
“The wealthy thrive,” the bank said. “The low-income group struggles.”
Few places illustrate that split more clearly than the homelands of the world’s semiconductor giants, where companies including Samsung, SK Hynix and Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company are reaping record profits while much of the rest struggles.
South Korea’s benchmark KOSPI is the world’s best-performing major stock index since the start of the year. Samsung and SK Hynix have each crossed $1 trillion in market valuation. Samsung shares have more than doubled this year, while SK Hynix has tripled. The Bank of Korea raised its economic growth forecast after exports surged. In May, South Korea’s exports rose 53 percent from a year earlier to a record monthly high.
Samsung and SK Hynix dominate production of the memory chips that help A.I. systems store information. These systems require enormous amounts of high-bandwidth memory, making the two conglomerates indispensable to the global A.I. build-out and all but guaranteeing demand for their products.
“Because semiconductors now account for such an outsized share of Korea’s export value, the headline numbers look strong,” said Sang-Ha Yoon, executive director of the Korea Institute for International Economic Policy, a government-funded think tank.
But those figures conceal a growing divergence. Non-semiconductor exports — petrochemicals, steel, batteries, auto parts — are struggling with weak demand and intense competition from China.
“The same headline that reads ‘Korea is doing well’ also reads: ‘Korea is doing well in a very narrow way,’” Mr. Yoon said.
For workers outside the A.I. sector, Mr. Yoon continued, “the lived experience can be one of higher costs and stagnant real wages.”
As the benefits of the boom become increasingly concentrated, many South Koreans have started looking to the stock market to share in the gains.
Last month, stockbrokers reported that South Korean seniors were cashing in life insurance policies and retirement savings to buy chip stocks. Nearly 83 percent of net stock purchases by retail investors on the KOSPI this year have been Samsung or SK Hynix, according to Young Gon Lee, an analyst at Toss Securities.
“We are seeing capital that had remained in safer assets move into riskier assets in search of higher expected returns,” Mr. Lee said.
The enthusiasm extends to Taiwan, which last month overtook India to become the world’s fifth-largest equity market. TSMC, which manufactures the world’s most advanced A.I. chips, accounts for more than 40 percent of the value of Taiwan’s benchmark index and carries a market capitalization approaching $2 trillion.
The chip frenzy has helped propel Taiwan to some of the fastest growth rates in the world. The economy expanded nearly 13 percent in the fourth quarter of 2025 and almost 15 percent in the first three months of this year.
But that has not translated into broader wage gains, said Dachrahn Wu, executive director of an economic research center at National Central University in Taoyuan. Most Taiwanese workers are employed outside the tech sector and earn less than $1,500 a month, Mr. Wu said. The small group of high earners can save and invest. Most cannot.
Taiwan’s economic growth accrues mostly for the wealthy, such as TSMC shareholders, Mr. Wu said. “But the salaries of ordinary people haven’t grown much.”
Semiconductors and other technology products account for the vast majority of Taiwan’s exports, said Ma Tieying, a senior economist at DBS Bank in Singapore. Other export-dependent industries, meanwhile, have been hit hard by tariffs and weakening demand.
Taichung, a central Taiwanese city, was once a hub for machine tools, home to hundreds of thriving small businesses. But tariffs have transformed the industry, said Ian Chang, the second-generation general manager of Innovator Machinery Company, which makes woodworking machinery.
Many companies have gone out of business, and others have put day laborers on unpaid leave — widening the gap between workers in traditional manufacturing and those with steady jobs in the technology sector.
Mark Ke has run his family’s textile manufacturing business, Ecomax Textile Company, in nearby Changhua, for nearly five decades. The company pioneered the use of plastic bottles and other recycled items to make fabric, supplying international brands including the British retailer Marks & Spencer and producing material used in the balls for the 2014 FIFA World Cup.
Since then, however, textile manufacturers have faced growing competition from rivals in China and Southeast Asia. Rather than shoring up the sector, the government provided incentives like tax breaks and infrastructure for the island’s prized chip makers, Mr. Ke said.
“The direction of government support is entirely misplaced. It’s primarily focused on the A.I. industry,” he said. Textile products fell by the wayside.
Questions about who benefits from the technology windfall have become a source of political and labor tension in South Korea.
Last month, workers at Samsung threatened a strike that would have disrupted the national economy and the global technology supply chain, demanding that the company commit 15 percent of its operating profit to employee bonuses. Samsung agreed to 10.5 percent.
Should Samsung reach the roughly $200 billion in operating profit this year projected by some financial analysts, workers in its semiconductor division could receive bonuses of as much as $430,000, a spokesman for Samsung said. The average monthly wage in South Korea last year was around $2,800, according to government data.
Asked at the company’s annual shareholders meeting this month whether TSMC might adopt a similar arrangement, its chairman, C.C. Wei, said the company had increased employee bonuses over the past three years.
The dispute at Samsung may be an early sign of a wider debate over how the gains from artificial intelligence should be shared.
Before workers reached an agreement with the company, Kim Yong-beom, chief of staff to Lee Jae Myung, South Korea’s president, floated the idea of using tax revenues from companies benefiting from A.I. demand to fund what he called a “national dividend.”
“The critical concern is the potential for the excess profits generated in the A.I. era to structurally exacerbate the ‘K-shaped’ economic divide within society,” Mr. Kim wrote in a Facebook post that has now been deleted.
Allocating a portion of these profits to workers should not be viewed merely as an act of redistribution, Mr. Kim said, but a “necessary cost for maintaining the stability of the entire system.”
Amy Chang Chien, Xinyun Wu and Jin Yu Young contributed reporting.
Meaghan Tobin covers business and tech stories in Asia with a focus on China and is based in Taipei."
Saturday, June 20, 2026
Friday, June 19, 2026
Insta360 Luna Ultra review: Let the gimbal camera wars begin
Insta360 Luna Ultra review: Let the gimbal camera wars begin
“Insta360 launched the Luna Ultra, a gimbal camera with dual cameras, 3x optical zoom, a 1-inch sensor, and 8K video. The Luna Ultra’s removable front panel, which transforms into a wireless display, is a standout feature. While the Luna Ultra is a strong contender in the gimbal camera market, its price and size may be a consideration for potential buyers.
The company's first gimbal camera is a high-powered Osmo Pocket rival that you can actually buy.
RATING : 8.7 / 10
We may receive a commission on purchases made from links.
Insta360 recently launched the Luna Ultra gimbal camera, effectively ending DJI's monopoly on the category. The Luna Ultra combines dual cameras with 3x optical zoom, a 1-inch sensor and 8K video. The timing is hard to ignore.
Insta360's launch comes just ahead of DJI's own dual-lens Osmo Pocket 4P, which is speculated to have similar features — including optical zoom. Whether that's a coincidence or calculated timing (hint: it's never a coincidence), one thing is clear: DJI finally has some serious competition in the handheld vlogging space.
Camera
The Luna Ultra shoots up to 8K/30 fps video or up to 120 fps in 4K with support for Dolby Vision. It includes 47GB of internal storage, expandable via a microSD card, and a 1,550mAh battery that delivers roughly four hours of recording time. The dual camera setup comprises an f1.8, 20mm lens, with a 1-inch sensor alongside an f2.0, 60mm telephoto paired with a 1/1.3" sensor. This twin-lens setup provides 3x true optical zoom plus 6x "lossless" (in-sensor) zoom and 12x digital zoom.
The shooting modes available are the same as you'd find on any of the company's other cameras: regular video mode, PureVideo (low light), Timelapse, TimeShift ("hyperlapse") and Barrel Roll. Vertical shooting is supported, either through the menu or by rotating the 2-inch display 90-degrees. Sadly, portrait video is limited to 3K, the same as DJI's Pocket 4. Dolby Vision and I-Log color modes are available and even the "standard" color mode is 10-bit. Photos come in two flavors: "Standard" 9-megapixel or the beefier 37-megapixel "UltraPhoto" mode.
Detachable display
Easily, the most interesting hardware feature on the Luna Ultra is the removable front panel that transforms into a wireless display for remote control and framing. Even better, you can pan, tilt, zoom and navigate the onscreen menus over 60 feet away from the camera. My favorite part is that there's also a microphone nestled just above the screen so you can record stand-ups to camera without needing an external mic. You still might want to, though. While the audio the display provides is perfectly acceptable, it's not quite as robust as you'd get with a dedicated mic kit.
Much of the functionality of the wireless display is also available via the mobile app (minus the microphone), but it's much nicer to use the device's physical controls. I've also never really been a fan of camera companion apps. Insta360's is perfectly fine, but it's still prone to the occasional connection issue, and still requires bringing your phone into the mix. Insta360's display innovation here genuinely feels useful — with bonus points for being fun.
Optical Zoom
For gimbal camera fans, the optical zoom is likely the most interesting feature of the Luna Ultra. With the Osmo Pocket you have 2x in-sensor zoom which is helpful but limited. The 3x optical zoom on the Insta360 brings a lot more flexibility. I even think the 6x in-sensor zoom looks sharp enough in most cases that you won't see any visible artifacts. Once you hit the 12x digital zoom, you can definitely see things starting to get a bit fuzzier, but if the lighting is good, even that feels quite usable sometimes.
James Trew for EngadgetIf you tap the zoom bar up or down quickly, it'll jump in whole stops (1x, 2x, 3x, 6x and 12x). If you prefer a smooth zoom, or want a more specific framing, you can do that by holding the slider down. You can sometimes notice when the primary lens hands over to the telephoto as objects in the foreground can move slightly or the tone of the sky can change color thanks to the different aperture and sensor size. It's mostly not an issue unless you specifically want to record while zooming between 2.9x and 3.1x, but it's something to be aware of.
The more I used the camera, the more I grew to love the zoom. With other vlogging cameras like the GoPro Mission 1 Pro or the Pocket 4, the lack of a zoom never really bothered me. After constantly testing the Luna Ultra, I found myself discovering shots or able to grab footage I haven't thought about before. So much so, I find myself forgiving the extra heft of the larger camera and reaching for the Luna Ultra over the Pocket 4. Of course, the real test will be once the Pocket 4P lands.
Insta360 Luna Ultra: Let the gimbal wars begin!
In-use
The whole experience with the Luna Ultra will feel very familiar if you've ever used an Osmo Pocket. From flicking the display 90-degrees to turn the camera on and the menu system, there are a lot of similarities. The Luna Ultra is noticeably bigger though. The body sections on both cameras are actually of similar size, but the gimbal head on the Luna Ultra is much wider (and thus taller when stowed), and this does make the camera feel just slightly less pocketable.
DJI's influence is also noticeable when things on the Luna Ultra didn't work the way I expected, just because that's how they are on the Osmo Pocket. For example, on DJI's gimbal camera, flicking the screen to the vertical position can either turn off the camera or switch it to portrait mode. On the Pocket, there's a hybrid mode where you are presented with the choice — let the camera shut down or press a button to keep it going in portrait mode. This is the one I favor and it's not present on the Luna Ultra.
James Trew for EngadgetAfter a couple of weeks carrying this thing around, I found the extra size generally isn't an issue — with one caveat. The camera comes with a protective case that covers the gimbal, and with that attached, we're stretching the definition of what you might call "pocketable." DJI's Pocket 4 has a smart gimbal lock that keeps things secure without adding any bulk, which keeps things very portable.
In terms of image quality, the Luna Ultra offers a bright, slightly saturated but pleasing image. It can easily be adjusted in "Pro" mode to make it flatter or more cinematic, depending on your needs. Dolby Vision support is a nice feature, but I personally find that it can introduce unexpectedly saturated zones in bright light. I found that the green leaves of a tree against a bright and sunny blue sky sometimes have fuzzy edges. Meanwhile, some street vlogging shots I took looked much more balanced, thanks to Dolby Vision. If you plan to use it, be prepared to experiment with it first.
Insta360's collaboration with Leica on the Luna Ultra includes a selection of color filters. These are quick and easy ways to add a specific vibe to your footage. If you prefer to grade your own shots, then the I-Log color mode is likely your best option for achieving the looks you want.
Wrap-up
We're at a weird point where the absolute direct rival for the Luna Ultra isn't released yet, but we know it's coming. We can compare it to the Osmo Pocket 4, but that's not apples to apples. DJI's Pocket 4 is smaller, more affordable and decidedly not available in the US (officially). It's unlikely that the Pocket 4P will be available in the States, either.
The good news is that the Luna Ultra is independently a great vlogging camera. Starting at $770, it's also a spendy one. But that's also roughly what GoPro's Mission 1 Pro costs and DJI's Pocket 4 will cost more than that for most Americans thanks to the extra costs incurred for gray imports. All to say, it seems that premium portable cameras are just expensive now. Insta360 made a great debut into the category and we're all just waiting to see how DJI responds.’
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